Whistleblower: Al Qaeda Chief was US Asset - Sunday Times Exposé of Pentagon Terror Ties "Pulled" After U.S. State Department Interference... and the Mark Grossman Connection
Last Friday, Ceasefire magazine published my exclusive, in-depth investigative report exposing the Pentagon's covert sponsorship of al Qaeda terrorists from the late 1990s through to 9/11 - including sponsoring Ayman al Zawahiri himself.
Dr. Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is a bestselling author, investigative
journalist and international security scholar who blogs at www.nafeezahmed.com.
He writes for The Guardian on the
geopolitics of environmental, energy and economic crises via his Earth Insight
column. Sibel Edmonds memoirs, Classified
Woman: The Sibel Edmonds Story, is available from all good online
booksellers.
My report is based on interviews with FBI whistleblower Sibel Edmonds, whose extraordinary case has been covered by the likes of Vanity Fair and American Conservative, as well as with Sunday Times journalists who corroborated her claims and spoke of an investigative series they were working on in 2008, based on her revelations, which was "pulled" inexplicably after US government pressure.
The report has gone well and truly viral, collecting over 4,000 Facebook shares, 500 Tweets, and being reposted all over the web. The report was also republished by the highly respected US investigative news magazine, Counterpunch.
But there's more...
The versions published so far have been edited to avoid naming certain names. Below, exclusively for this blog, I publish the original version identifying the "State Department official" fingered by Sibel in the past - Marc Grossman, a senior government official who has worked for both the Bush and Obama administrations before moving into the private sector/lobbying sector.
And we've just published part 1 of my exclusive conversation with Sibel over at the Crisis Podcast series, courtesy of Dean Puckett, who has spliced together a wonderful and eclectic show with interventions from me, Dean - of course Sibel - interspersed with sound and music.
Enjoy...
A whistleblower has revealed extraordinary information on the
U.S. government's support for international terrorist networks and organised
crime. The government has denied the allegations yet gone to extraordinary
lengths to silence her. Her critics have derided her as a fabulist and
fabricator. But now comes word that some of her most serious allegations were
confirmed by a major European newspaper only to be squashed at the request of
the U.S. government.
In a recent book,
Sibel Edmonds, a former translator for the FBI, describe how the Pentagon, CIA and
State Department maintained intimate ties to al-Qaeda militants as late as 2001.Her
memoir, Classified Woman: The Sibel
Edmonds Story, published last year, charged senior government officials
with negligence, corruption and collaboration with al Qaeda in illegal arms
smuggling and drugs trafficking in Central Asia.
In interviews with this author in early March, Edmonds
claimed that Ayman al-Zawahiri, current head of al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden's
deputy at the time, had innumerable, regular meetings at the U.S. embassy in Baku,
Azerbaijan, with U.S. military and intelligence officials between 1997 and 2001,
as part of an operation known as 'Gladio B'. Al-Zawahiri, she charged, as well
as various members of the bin Laden family and other mujahideen, were transported
on NATO planes to various parts of Central Asia and the Balkans to participate
in Pentagon-backed destabilisation operations.
According to two Sunday
Times journalists speaking on condition of anonymity, this and related
revelations had been confirmed by senior Pentagon and MI6 officials as part of
a four-part investigative series that was supposed to run in 2008. The Times journalists described how the
story was inexplicably dropped under the pressure of undisclosed "interest
groups", which, they suggest, were associated with the U.S. State
Department.
Shooting the
Messenger
Described by the American
Civil Liberties Union as the "most gagged person in the United States
of America" Edmonds studied criminal
justice, psychology and public policy at George Washington and George Mason
universities. Two weeks after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, her fluency in
Turkish, Farsi and Azerbaijani earned her an FBI contract at the Washington DC
field office. She was tasked with translating highly classified intelligence
from operations against terrorism suspects in and outside the U.S.. In the
course of her work, she became privy to evidence that U.S. military and
intelligence agencies were collaborating with Islamist militants affiliated
with al-Qaeda, the very forces blamed for the 9/11 attacks - and that officials
in the FBI were covering up the evidence. When Edmonds complained to her
superiors, her family was threatened by one of the subjects of her complaint, and
she was fired. Her accusations of espionage against her FBI colleagues were eventually
investigated by the Justice Department's
Office of the Inspector General, which did not give details about the
allegations as they remained classified.
Although no final conclusions about the espionage
allegations were reached, the Justice Department concluded
that many of Edmonds' accusations "were supported, that the FBI did not
take them seriously enough and that her allegations were, in fact, the most
significant factor in the FBI's decision to terminate her services."
When she attempted to go public with her story in 2002, and
again in 2004, the U.S. government silenced Edmonds by invoking a legal
precedent known as "state secrets privilege" - a near limitless power
to quash a lawsuit
based solely on the government's claim that evidence or testimony could divulge
information that might undermine "national security." Under this
doctrine, the government sought to retroactively
classify basic information concerning Edmonds's case already in the public
record, including, according to the New
York Times, "what languages Ms. Edmonds translated, what types of
cases she handled, and what employees she worked with, officials said. Even
routine and widely disseminated information -- like where she worked -- is now
classified."
Although certainly not the first invocation of "state
secrets privilege", since the Edmonds case the precedent has been used repeatedly in the post-9/11
era under both the Bush and Obama administrations to shield
the U.S. government from court scrutiny of rendition, torture, warrantless
wiretapping, as well as the President's claimed
war powers.
Other intelligence experts agree that Edmonds had stumbled
upon a criminal conspiracy at the heart of the American judicial system. In her
memoirs, she recounts that FBI Special Agent Gilbert Graham, who also worked in
the Washington field office on counterintelligence operations, told her over a
coffee how he "ran background checks on federal judges" in the
"early nineties for the bureau... If we came up with shit - skeletons in
their closets - the Justice Department kept it in their pantry to be used
against them in the future or to get them to do what they want in certain cases
- cases like yours." A redacted version of Graham's
classified protected disclosure to the Justice Department regarding these
allegations, released in 2007, refers to the FBI's "abuse of
authority" by conducting illegal wiretapping to obtain information on U.S.
public officials.
Journalists Speak Out
Five years ago, Edmonds revealed to the Sunday
Times that an unidentified senior U.S. State Department official was on
the payroll of Turkish agents in Washington, passing on nuclear and military
secrets. "He was aiding foreign operatives against U.S. interests by
passing them highly classified information, not only from the State Department
but also from the Pentagon, in exchange for money, position and political
objectives", Edmonds told the paper. She reported coming across this
information when
listening to suppressed phone calls recorded by FBI surveillance, marked by
her colleague Melek Can Dickerson as "not pertinent".
In recent interviews with this author, Edmonds and the two Times journalists confirmed the identity
of the official to be Marc Grossman, then U.S. Ambassador to Turkey (1994-1997). Both
reporters involved in the Times
investigation clarified that Edmonds' allegations against Grossman had been
corroborated by multiple other U.S. intelligence sources, including from the
FBI.
Grossman went onto become Assistant Secretary of State for
European Affairs (1997-2000), then served as Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs under the Bush administration (2001-2005). His most recent political
appointment was as Obama's special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan
(2011-2012). He is currently Vice President of the Washington DC lobbying firm,
The Cohen Group.
Grossman could not be reached for comment, although his
colleague Bob Tyrer, Co-President of the Cohen Group, responded on his behalf
describing Edmonds' allegations as "reckless... absurd, malicious and
false." He also told this author: "You should be ashamed of any role
you might play in further disseminating them."
Edmonds' allegations, however, have been supported by
others, such as John M. Cole, former FBI Counterintelligence and
Counterespionage Manager who worked for 18 years in that Division. In a
statement to American Conservative
magazine, he referred to "the FBI's decade-long investigation" of
Grossman, which "ultimately was buried and covered up."
Cole has also called
for a Special Counsel investigation into what he describes as a deliberate
cover-up of Edmonds' case: "All I know is that everything that Sibel is
stating is true. I read her file. Everything she stated is, in fact, accurate...
Everybody at headquarters level at the bureau knew that what she was saying was
extremely accurate. I know they didn't want her to go out and speak about it at
all, and I know they were trying to figure out ways of keeping this whole thing
quiet, because they didn't want Sibel to come out."
Incubating Terror
In the Sunday
Times exposé, Edmonds described a parallel organisation in Israel
cooperating with the Turks on illegal weapons sales and technology transfers.
Between them, Israel and Turkey operated a range of front companies incorporated
in the U.S. with active "moles in sensitive military and nuclear
institutions", supported by U.S. officials, in order to sell secrets to the
highest bidder. One of the buyers was
Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) - which often used its Turkish allies,
according to the Times, "as a
conduit... because they were less likely to attract suspicion." The Pakistani
operation was, the paper reported,
"led by General Mahmoud Ahmad, then the ISI chief" from 1999
to 2001, when the agency helped train, supply and coordinate the religious
zealots who formed the Afghan Taliban and gave sanctuary to their Arab allies
brought together in the coalition named al-Qaeda. Ahmad, as the Times noted, "was accused [by the
FBI] of sanctioning a $100,000 wire payment to Mohammed Atta, one of the 9/11
hijackers, immediately before the attacks."
According to Indian
intelligence officials, they had assisted the FBI in "tracing and
establishing" the financial trail between the General and the chief
hijacker. The discovery was, they allege, the real reason behind the General's
sudden retirement in October 2001.
The Pakistani daily, The News, reported on 10th September
2001 that the ISI chief held several "mysterious meetings at the Pentagon
and National Security Council" that week, including CIA director George
Tenet – but "the most important meeting was with Mark [sic] Grossman, U.S.
Under Secretary for Political Affairs."
Edmonds raises the question of whether Grossman's alleged
liaisons with an espionage network overseen by Ahmad, and the FBI's suppression
of related intelligence, played a role in facilitating the attacks.
"Following 9/11, a number of the foreign operatives
were taken in for questioning by the FBI on suspicion that they knew about or
somehow aided the attacks", reported the Sunday Times. The paper related that according to Edmonds, the
hitherto unnamed State Department official received a call from a foreign agent
under FBI surveillance asking for help to "get them out of the U.S. because
we can't afford for them to spill the beans." The official - now confirmed
to be Grossman by Edmonds and the Times
journalists - promised "he would 'take care of it'."
Edmonds told this author that high-level corruption compromised
the ability of the U.S. intelligence community to pursue ongoing investigations
of those planning the 9/11 attacks. "It was precisely those militants that
were incubated by some of America's key allies", she said.
Corruption helped guarantee Congressional silence when that
incubation strategy backfired in the form of 9/11. "Both Republican and
Democratic representatives in the House and Senate came up in FBI
counterintelligence investigations for taking bribes from foreign agents",
she said. A Vanity
Fair investigation in 2005 had identified at least one prominent
Republican congressman - then speaker of the House, Dennis Hastert - as being named
repeatedly by Turkish targets of FBI surveillance as the recipient of tens of
thousands of dollars, to be paid in small cheques to his campaign funds. The
funds were in return for political influence.
Al-Qaeda: Enemy or
Asset?
In her interview, Edmonds insisted that after its initial exposé on
Grossman, the Times' investigation had
gone beyond such previous revelations, and was preparing to disclose her most
startling accusations. Among these, Edmonds described how the CIA and the
Pentagon had been running a series of covert operations supporting Islamist
militant networks linked to Osama bin Laden right up to 9/11, in Central Asia,
the Balkans and the Caucasus.
While it is widely recognised
that the CIA sponsored bin Laden's networks in Afghanistan during the Cold War,
U.S. government officials deny any such ties
existed. Others claim these
ties were real, but were severed after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1989.
But according to Edmonds, this narrative is false. "Not
just bin Laden, but several senior 'bin Ladens' were transported by U.S.
intelligence back and forth to the region in the late 1990s through to 2001",
she told this author, "including Ayman al-Zawahiri" - Osama bin
Laden's right-hand-man who has taken over as al-Qaeda's top leader.
"In the late 1990s, all the way up to 9/11, al-Zawahiri
and other mujahideen operatives were meeting regularly with senior U.S.
officials in the U.S. embassy in Baku to plan the Pentagon's Balkan operations
with the mujahideen," said Edmonds. "We had support for these
operations from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, but the U.S. oversaw and directed
them. They were being run from a secret section of the Pentagon with its own
office" - the name, Edmonds did not disclose. She clarified, "the FBI
counterintelligence investigation which was tracking these targets, along with
their links to U.S. officials, was known as 'Gladio B', and was kickstarted in
1997. It so happens that Major Douglas Dickerson" - the husband of her FBI
co-worker Melek whom she accused of espionage - "specifically directed the
Pentagon's 'Gladio' operations in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan at this time."
In testimony
under oath, Edmonds has previously confirmed that Major Doug Dickerson
worked for the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) under the weapons
procurement logistics division on Turkey and Central Asia, and with the
Office of Special Plans (OSP) overseeing policy in Central Asia - first under Marc
Grossman, and later under Douglas Feith, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy
from 2001 to 2005.
Gladio B
In her March interview with this author, Edmonds said that
the Pentagon operations with Islamists were an "extension" of an
original 'Gladio' programme uncovered in the 1970s in Italy, part of an EU-wide NATO covert
operation that began as early as the 1940s.
As Swiss historian Dr. Daniele Ganser records in his seminal
book, NATO's Secret Armies, an
official Italian
parliamentary inquiry confirmed that British MI6 and the CIA had established
a network of secret "stay-behind" paramilitary armies, staffed by
fascist and Nazi collaborators. The covert armies carried out terrorist attacks
throughout Western Europe, officially blamed on Communists in what Italian
military intelligence called the 'strategy of tension'.
"You had to attack civilians, the people, women,
children, innocent people, unknown people far removed from any political
game" explained Gladio operative Vincenzo Vinciguerra
during his trial in 1984. "The
reason was quite simple. They were supposed to force these people... to turn to
the State to ask for greater security."
While the reality of Gladio's existence in Europe is a matter of
historical record, Edmonds contends the same strategy was adopted by the
Pentagon in the 1990s in a new theatre of operations, namely, Asia.
"Instead of using neo-Nazis, they used mujahideen working under various
bin Ladens, as well as al-Zawahiri", she said.
The last publicly known Gladio meeting occurred in NATO's
Allied Clandestine Committee (ACC) in Brussels in 1990. While Italy was a focal
point for the older European operations, Edmonds said that Turkey and
Azerbaijan served as the main conduits for a completely new, different set of
operations in Asia using veterans of the anti-Soviet campaign in Afghanistan,
the so-called "Afghan Arabs" that had been trained by al-Qaeda.
These new Pentagon-led operations were codenamed 'Gladio B'
by FBI counterintelligence: "In 1997, NATO asked [Egyptian President] Hosni
Mubarak to release from prison Islamist militants affiliated to Ayman al-Zawahiri
[whose role in the assassination of Anwar Sadat led to Mubarak’s ascension].
They were flown under U.S. orders to Turkey for [training and use in] operations
by the Pentagon", she said.
Edmonds' allegations find some independent corroboration in
the public record. The Wall
Street Journal refers to a nebulous agreement between Mubarak and
"the operational wing of Egyptian Islamic Jihad, which was then headed by
Ayman al-Zawahiri... Many of that
group's fighters embraced a cease-fire with the government of former President
Hosni Mubarak in 1997."
Youssef
Bodansky, former Director of the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and
Unconventional Warfare, cited U.S. intelligence sources in an article for Defense and Foreign Affairs: Strategic
Policy, confirming "discussions between the Egyptian terrorist leader
Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri and an Arab-American known to have been both an emissary
of the CIA and the U.S. Government." He referred to an
"offer" made to al-Zawahiri in November 1997 on behalf of U.S.
intelligence, granting his Islamists a free hand in Egypt as long as they lent
support to U.S. forces in the Balkans. In 1998, Al Zawahiri's brother, Muhammed,
led an elite unit of the Kosovo Liberation Army against Serbs during the Kosovo
conflict - he reportedly had direct contact with NATO leadership.
"This is why", Edmonds continued in her interview,
"even though the FBI routinely monitored the communications of the
diplomatic arms of all countries, only four countries were exempt from this
protocol - the UK, Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Belgium - the seat of NATO. No other
country - not even allies like Israel or Saudi Arabia, were exempt. This is
because these four countries were integral to the Pentagon's so-called Gladio B
operations."
Edmonds did not speculate on the objectives of the Pentagon's
'Gladio B' operations, but she highlights the following as possibilities: projecting
U.S. power in the former Soviet sphere of influence to access previously
untapped strategic energy and mineral reserves for U.S. and European companies;
pushing back Russian and Chinese power; and expanding the scope of lucrative
criminal activities, particularly illegal arms and drugs trafficking.
Terrorism finance expert Loretta Napoleoni
estimates the total value of this criminal economy to be about $1.5 trillion
annually, the bulk of which "flows into Western economies, where it gets
recycled in the U.S. and in Europe" as a "vital element of the cash
flow of these economies."
It is no coincidence then that the opium trade, Edmonds told
this author, has grown rapidly under the tutelage of NATO in Afghanistan: "I
know for a fact that NATO planes routinely shipped heroin to Belgium, where
they then made their way into Europe and to the UK. They also shipped heroin to
distribution centres in Chicago and New Jersey. FBI counterintelligence and DEA
(Drug Enforcement Agency) operations had acquired evidence of this drug
trafficking in its surveillance of a wide range of targets, including officials
in the Pentagon, CIA and State Department. As part of this surveillance, the
role of the Dickersons - with the support of Grossman - in facilitating
drug-trafficking, came up. It was clear from this evidence that the whole
funnel of drugs, money and terror in Central Asia was directed, before 9/11, by
Grossman."
The evidence for this funnel, according to Edmonds, remains
classified in the form of FBI counterintelligence surveillance records she was
asked to translate. Although this alleged evidence has never made it to court
due to the U.S. government's exertion of 'state secret privilege', she was able
to testify in detail concerning her allegations against Grossman and others
under oath in
2009. She also aired these allegations in an interview with former CIA
official Philip Giraldi in American
Conservative magazine the same year.
Censorship
The Sunday Times investigation was to break much of
the details into the open. "We'd spoken to several current and active
Pentagon officials confirming the existence of U.S. operations sponsoring
mujahideen networks in Central Asia from the 1990s to 2001," said one Times source. "Those mujahideen
networks were intertwined with a whole range of criminal enterprises, including
drugs and guns. The Pentagon officials corroborated Edmonds' allegations
against Grossman, and I'd also interviewed an MI6 officer who confirmed that
the U.S. was running these operations sponsoring mujahideen in that period."
But according to Edmonds, citing the investigative team at
the paper, the last two articles in the series were spiked under U.S. State
Department pressure. She recalled being told at the time by journalists leading
the Times investigation that the
newspaper's editor had decided to squash the story after receiving calls from
officials at the U.S. embassy in London.
A journalist with the Sunday
Times' investigative unit told this author he had interviewed former
Special Agent in Charge, Dennis Saccher, who had moved to the FBI's Colorado
office. Saccher reportedly confirmed the veracity of Edmonds' allegations of
espionage, including the FBI's investigation of Grossman, telling him that
Edmonds' story "should have been front page news" because it was
"a scandal bigger than Watergate." The same journalist confirmed that
after interviewing Saccher at his home, the newspaper was contacted by the U.S.
State Department. "The U.S. embassy in London called the editor and tried
to ward him off. We were told that we weren't permitted to approach Saccher or
any other active FBI agents directly, but could only go through the FBI's press
office - that if we tried to speak to Saccher or anyone else employed by the
FBI directly, that would be illegal. Of course, it isn't, but that's what we
were told. I think this was a veiled threat."
Saccher's comments to the journalist never made it to press.
A lead reporter on the series at the Times told this author that the investigation based on Edmonds'
information was supposed to have four parts, but was inexplicably dropped.
"The story was pulled half-way, suddenly, without any warning", the
journalist said. "I wasn't party to the editorial decision to drop the
story, but there was a belief in the office amongst several journalists who
were part of the Insight investigative unit that the decision was made under
pressure from the U.S. State Department, because the story might cause a diplomatic
incident."
Although the journalist was unaware of where this belief
came from - and was not informed of the U.S. embassy's contact with the paper's
editor which the other journalist was privy to - he acknowledged that
self-censorship influenced by unspecified "interest groups" was a
possible explanation. "The way the story was dropped was unusual, but the
belief amongst my colleagues this happened under political pressure is
plausible." He cryptically described an "editorial mechanism, linked
to the paper but not formally part of it, which could however exert control on
stories when necessary, linked to certain interests." When asked which
interests, the journalist said, "I can't say. I can't talk about
that."
Edmonds described how due to the U.S. government's efforts
to silence her, she had no option left except to write her story down. The
resultant book, Classified
Woman, had to be submitted to an FBI panel for review. By law, the
bureau was required to make a decision on what could be disclosed or redacted within 30 days.
Instead, about a year later, Edmonds' lawyer received a
letter from the FBI informing them that the agency was still reviewing the
book, and prohibiting her from publishing it: "The matters Ms. Edmonds writes about involve
many equities, some of which may implicate information that is classified... Approval
of the manuscripts by the FBI will include incorporation of all changes
required by the FBI. Until then, Ms. Edmonds does not have approval to publish
her manuscripts which includes showing them to editors, literary agents,
publishers, reviewers, or anyone else. At this point, Ms. Edmonds remains
obligated not to disclose or publish the manuscript in any manner."
The block was another example, Edmonds said, "of the abuse
of 'national security' to conceal evidence of criminality." She said that
this forced her to release the book herself in March 2012, as no publisher
would risk taking it on.